In line with their uncannily similar pose and dress, both individuals display the quintessential exaggerated smile present in many blackface performances. That overly charismatic smile is indicative of a contrived blackness—derived from white stereotypes of African Americans. It effectively masks Armstrong’s true racial identity and instead promotes the clichéd ‘Jim Crow’ version of blackness found at minstrel shows.
If Armstrong is, hypothetically, putting on a minstrel show for his white spectators, is he truly breaking the color barrier? I would argue not. Dizzy Gillespie can be viewed on both sides of the issue. On the one hand, he confesses that “if it weren’t for him [Louis], there wouldn’t be any of us,” indicating that Armstrong paved a path to cultural acceptance for future black musicians. However, at the same time, Dizzy admits: “We didn’t appreciate that [his stage persona] about Louis Armstrong, and if anybody asked me about a certain public image of him, handkerchief over his head, grinning in the face of white racism, I never hesitated to say I didn’t like it. I didn’t want the white man to expect me to allow the same things Louis Armstrong did.” [40] By not being true to his own black identity, Armstrong superficially caters to the white audience: they might be accepting of his contrived on-stage persona, but not of him as a black individual. While this was still a vital step in overcoming social norms, his disingenuous persona ensured that Louis was not viewed as a black musician. Many other musicians share similar views about the negative impact of Armstrong’s ‘minstrel show’ stage persona.
In a letter to Leonard Feather, Louis Armstrong recalls a time he claims to have broken the color barrier—when he hosted the radio broadcast The Royal Gelatin Hour (formerly called Fleischmann’s Yeast) during Rudy Vallée's summer vacation in 1937 [41]:
Feather has apparently asked Armstrong to reflect on the most important events in jazz during the past twenty-five years. Near the end of his life, Armstrong would respond to this question with a review of the golden days from his New Orleanian youth…But in 1941, his mind moves first to 1937, when he hosted radio broadcasts sponsored by Fleischmann’s Yeast—one of the many occasions upon which Armstrong broke the color barrier.[42]
By hosting The Royal Gelatin Hour, Louis became the first African American to host a national network program. But similar to Gillespie’s criticism of Louis’ on-stage persona, the radio audience does not view him as a black host. Radio, by the very nature of how it is broadcasted, is a form of discourse that naturally veils one’s physical appearance. While his listeners obviously knew the color of his skin, radio is not the ideal medium for breaking the color barrier. That being said, it was still a crucial step in challenging the status quo and beginning to pave the way for others to break the color barrier.
Black and Blue
Louis Armstrong famously covered Fats Waller’s “Black and Blue,” a very powerful, racially-charged tune. It is one of the few occasions where he levels with the audience about racism and its affect on his life. Nevertheless, he still grins while performing the tune (much in line with Gillespie’s earlier criticism). Despite Armstrong’s smiling stage persona, it becomes clear while watching the video[43] that he is not simply singing light words. In fact, he altered the original lyrics to make them more heavy[44] and personal.
I'm white...inside...but, that don't help my case
That's life...can't hide...what is in my face
How would it end....ain't got a friend
My only sin...is in my skin
What did i do...to be so black and blue[45]
His performance of “Black and Blue” is one of the few times that Armstrong directly acknowledges racial dissonance and its impact on him as a black man. I believe that the above excerpt contains the most poignant lines in the song; it is an admission that despite all of Louis’ efforts to gain acceptance by his white audience, the color of his skin is still what defines him to his white critics. It is rather ironic that he claims to not be able to “hide what is in [his] face,” even though he goes to great lengths to do just that. He puts on a semi-minstrel show every time he performs, doing everything in his power to not appear threatening or black.
Tragically, as revealed in his rendition of “Black and Blue,” ‘acting white’ does not gain Armstrong unanimous acceptance by the white population; much adversity is still faced. As a result, he paradoxically loses some support of black individuals (for ‘acting white’) and is also not accepted by certain white individuals (because he can’t ‘hide what is in his face’). At this point in time, it is impossible for him to appeal to both a black and white fan base simultaneously, as none of his actions occur in isolation: the black individuals notice his minstrel-show qualities, while the white individuals cannot see past the ‘sin’ of his skin color. Unlike the other two forms of dissonance in Louis’ life (internal and musical), switching back and forth between his two conflicting identities does not resolve racial tension. It is important to note, however, that due to extreme racial oppression prevalent in his era, he likely wouldn’t have ever had the chance to impact a white audience at all without the existence of his stage persona. He simply did what was necessary to share his music with the most listeners possible.
Jive Talk
Louis Armstrong was blessed with the gift of linguistic play, which was integral to the jazz scene: “…there are more than four hundred words used among swing musicians that no one else would understand. They have a language of their own…”[46] The lexicon of terms associated with jazz music developed into hipster jive, a style of vernacular utilized primarily by African Americans. White Americans were aware of its existence, however, they were largely out-of-touch with its application: “many whites could not hold their own in black-rooted jive talk. They knew the right words, but not how to use them.”[47] In Phil Ford’s Dig: Sound and Music in Hip Culture, the exchange between Social Worker and Big Educator illuminate the disconnect between Standard English and jive talk when a translator is not present.[48] Armstrong committed himself to mastering both dialects to try to bridge the gap between those who spoke jive and those who spoke English.
As a game, Armstrong would often change his mode of speaking from jazz talk to Standard English. Much like Armstrong’s two opposing identities on stage, he was comfortable switching between his two dialectal identities when conversing with white critics:
He demonstrates his mastery of two linguistic registers common in black speech: ‘broad talk,’ which twists the ‘vernacular into stylized use, in the form of wit [or] repartee,’ and ‘formal talk,’ which centers on ‘eloquence and manners through the use of formal standard English. Thus, Armstrong can decipher the script, but he also knows when and how to diverge from it.[49]
Armstrong’s unparalleled ability to switch between ‘black talk’ and ‘white talk’ is a perfect example of his appealing to both insiders and outsiders of the jazz community. He can transition from Standard English to hipster language as seamlessly as he transitions from minstrel show to trumpet playing, and from ‘in the pocket’ to ‘out of the pocket’: “The requirement of mastering several musical styles was demanded of any African-American musician of Armstrong’s generation working in the popular sphere…”[50] Armstrong epitomized this idea in more ways than were alluded to in his book; he not only mastered several musical styles and performance styles, but several linguistic styles as well. His authority over these opposing styles allowed him to adapt to difficult situations where others could not, predominantly due to their skin color.
So What?
Dissonance played a vital role in influencing Armstrong’s actions as an individual, a musician and as a civil rights activist. A search for identity is fundamental in all three spheres of his life. In the case of internal and musical dissonance, he finds comfort by switch back and forth between his two opposing identities. Both of these forms of dissonances are manifestations of social dissonance, as racial tension forces him to wear two distinct masks. As one of the first African Americans to break into popular culture, he was integral to starting the movement to racial harmony and acceptance. Nevertheless, he did so by hiding under the veil of whiteness via his on-stage antics and the juggling of his identities. Whether or not he was able to truly transcend racial dissonance is largely conjecture. But regardless of the degree to which Armstrong overcame his various dissonances, tension was the constant, underlying motivator of his actions, generating an urge towards consonance and resolution.
[1] Milan Kundera, The Unbearable Lightness of Being (New York: Harper & Row, 1984)
[2] Nathan H Graburn, Tourists and Tourism: A Reader, By Sharon Gmelch (Long Grove, IL: Waveland, 2004) 23-33.
[3] Leo Tolstoy, The Kingdom of God Is within You (New York: Scribner's 1913).
[4] Bertram Gawronski, “Back to the Theory of Dissonance Theory,” Social Cognition. 6th ed. Vol. 30 (New York: Guilford Publications, 2012).
[5] "Hello Dolly" Perf. Louis Armstrong and Max Gregor. Youtube. Web. <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xHp8_dWAizk>.
[6] Daniel Stein, Music Is My Life: Louis Armstrong, Autobiography, and American Jazz (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2012).
[7] Martin Williams, Jazz Masters in Transition, 1957-69 (New York: Macmillan, 1970).
[8] Michael Borshuk, Swinging the Vernacular: Jazz and African American Modernist Literature (New York: Routledge, 2006).
[9] W. E. B. DuBois, "The Souls of Black Folk," The Souls of Black Folk (Chicago: McClurg & Co, 1931). 1-12.
[10] Terry Teachout, Pops: A Life of Louis Armstrong (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2009).
[11] Dave Szatmary, "Pops: A Life of Louis Armstrong," 134.13 Academic Search Complete. Web.
[12] Miles Davis with Quincy Trope, Miles: The Autobiography (New York: Simon, 1989).
[13] Barry Keith Grant, "Purple Passages or Fiestas in Blue?: Notes toward an Aesthetic of Vocalese," Popular Music and Society (18.1 1994): 125-43.
[14] Brent Hayes Edwards, "Louis Armstrong and the Syntax of Scat," Critical Inquiry (28.3 2002).
[15] Daniel Stein, Music Is My Life: Louis Armstrong, Autobiography, and American Jazz (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2012).
[16] W. E. B DuBois, "The Sorrow Songs," The Souls of Black Folk (New York: Vintage Library of America, 1990).
[17] Chuck Israels, "Chuck Israel: Evans, Education and Philosophy," Interview, All About Jazz, 27 May 2010.
[18] Roger Kamien, An Appreciation: Music, 4th ed. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2002). Print.
[19] Richard Parncutt and Graham Hair, "Consonance and Dissonance in Music Theory and Psychology," Journal of Interdisciplinary Music Studies (5.2 2012)
[20] Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man (New York: Vintage International, 1995).
[21] Harald Krebs, Fantasy Pieces: Metrical Dissonance in the Music of Robert Schumann (New York: Oxford UP, 1999).
[22] Mauro Guenza, "La Vie En Rose, Louis Armstrong Trumpet Solo Transcription," ETP Music, Web.
http://etpmusic.com/archives/195
[23] Louis Armstrong, La Vie En Rose, Satchmo Serenades (All Music, 1952).
[24] Joshua Redman, “Sonny Rollins Interviewed by Joshua Redman: Newk’s Time” (Jazz Times Magazine, 2005).
[25] Theodore W. Rollins, "In Conversation with Sonny Rollins," Interview by Stuart Nicholson, Web.
<http://www.jazz.com/features-and-interviews/2009/11/13/in-conversation-with- sonny-rollins>.
[26] Ingrid T. Monson, Saying Something: Jazz Improvisation and Interaction (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1996).
[27] Michael Carvin, Interview by Ingrid Monson, Dec. 1990: New York, NY.
[28] Ralph Peterson, Interview by Ingrid Monson, 24 May 1990: New York, NY.
[29] Anne M. Faulkner, "Does Jazz Put The Sin in Syncopation," Ladies Home Journal (1921).
[30] John R McMahon, "Unspeakable Jazz Must Go!" Ladies Home Journal (1921).
[31] Walter Kingsley and William M. Patterson. "Why Jazz Sends Us Back to the Jungle."Current Opinion (1918).
[32] Sieglinde Lemke, Primitivist Modernism: Black Culture and the Origins of Transatlantic Modernismm (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1998).
[33] Anderson Maureen, "The White Reception of Jazz in America," African American Review (38.1 2004).
[34] Louise McKinney, New Orleans: A Cultural History (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2006).
[35] Louis Armstrong, "Letter to Leonard Feather," Letter to Leonard Feather, 18 Sept. 1941. MS. Atlanta, GA.
[36] Daniel Stein, Music Is My Life: Louis Armstrong, Autobiography, and American Jazz (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2012).
[37] Langston Hughes, "The Negro Artist and the Racial Mountain," Keeping Time: Readings in Jazz History, Ed. Robert Walser (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999) 55-57.
[38] William Howland Kenney, Jazz on the River (Chicago: University of Chicago, 2005).
[39] John Wallace, Niggerosities: Speeches, Farces, Etc (Manchester, 1896).
[40] Dizzy Gillespie and Al Fraser, To Be, or Not ... to BOP: Memoirs (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1979).
[41] "Royal Gelatin Hour | Old Time Radio." Old Time Radio Catalog. Fleischmann's Yeast, n.d. Web. 18 Nov. 2013.
[42] Louis Armstrong and Thomas David, Louis Armstrong, in His Own Words: Selected Writings (Oxford: Oxford UP, 1999).
[43] Louis Armstrong, Black and Blue: Louis Armstrong and His All Stars (Berlin, 1965).
[44] Milan Kundera, The Unbearable Lightness of Being (New York: Harper & Row, 1984).
[45] Louis Armstrong, Black and Blue: Louis Armstrong and His All Stars (Berlin, 1965).
[46] Louis Armstrong, Rudy Vallée, Dan Morgenstern, Horace Gerlach, and Benny Goodman, Swing That Music (New York: Da Capo, 1993).
[47] Neil Leonard, "The Jazzman’s Verbal Usage," Black American Literature Forum (20.1/2 1986) 151-59.
[48] Phil Ford, “Somewhere/Nowhere” In Dig: Sound and Music in Hip Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013).
[49] Daniel Stein, Music Is My Life: Louis Armstrong, Autobiography, and American Jazz (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2012).
[50] Louis Armstrong and Thomas David. Louis Armstrong, in His Own Words: Selected Writings (New York: Oxford UP, 1999).
Fun Fact:
The ancient Sumerians (4000 – 2000 BCE), who are thought to have developed the first form of writing (Cuneiform script), immortalised sheep in the form of gods in their religion.
One Kind